Process-Oriented Psychology and African Culture

Why Concern with Culture?

A short course in Process-oriented Psychology and psychotherapy, and further reading in the subject, has left the author with an impression that Process-oriented Psychology may be universally applied. The very concept of following the client's individual process, rather than using a pre-programmed set of tricks, places the burden of piloting the direction of therapy on the client. The therapist's duty becomes mostly to perceive whatever signals the client shows, to amplify these signals, and to help the client's process to unfold. From this standpoint the therapist is not worried about incorrectly interpreting the client's signals since it's not the therapist's duty to interpret.

Understood in this way Process-oriented Psychology becomes applicable in any situation, any community, or any culture. However, in any therapy system, POP included, cultural elements are very important and cannot be ignored. Although we say that individual processes are unique and will naturally unfold, getting a person to follow his or her process successfully will very much depend on the client's cultural background. This is because human problems and their solutions are intimately related to culture. In other words, the whole human psychological process is tied up with culture.

Also, the client's response to the therapist's attempt to make him or her follow the process will very much depend on the client's cultural background. Imagine, for example, telling a black Kenyan elderly woman who is your mother's age to amplify the scratching action of her fingers! Most likely she would think you're either crazy, or you are trying to pull her leg. Trying to explain the philosophy behind what you are doing won't work since she will not understand such complicated theories. Unaccustomed culturally to such "madness," she will probably not comply.

It is important to know how culture limits the effectiveness of any therapy because, as Hesselgrave 3 contends, culture becomes a decisive factor in counseling theory and practice. For this reason the author undertakes a discussion of POP in light of African culture in this article.

Since culture includes all aspects of a peoples' knowledge, beliefs, art, morals, laws, customs, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by members of a society,4 these aspects (knowledge, art, morals, laws, customs, etc.) are first going to be discussed as they manifest in the African processes - in light of the geographical, religious, economic, social and political realities of Africa and Africans. However, it must be born in mind that the picture given here is general. Africa is a vast continent with many diverse subcultures. This makes it very difficult to define 'African Culture' as such. It would be more appropriate to talk about 'African Cultures' rather than 'African Culture.' As Babatunde states:"In conclusion, rather than define African Culture, I have shown that there are African Cultures."

All the same, there are certain concepts that form the basis of the African way of thinking: one's view of humanity, of life, of nature and of his/her role in nature and in spiritual realms. These are the concepts that will be discussed in some detail, as they determine the African psychological processes.

First, however, let's see how geographical, religious, economic, social and political factors have contributed to the fashioning of the African's psychological reality.

Geographical factors

Geographical factors are strong determinants of beliefs, actions and behavior of any people. As such they become important in shaping a peoples' culture and, therefore, a peoples' psychological orientation. Geographical factors also determine whether the inhabitants of a certain area become isolated or mingle with other people and, consequently, whether the peoples' culture is likely to be influenced to change by external cultures.

Most of Africa lies in the hot tropics, with very small variation in weather from one season to the other. There used to be plenty of fertile land, and a lot of rain. All these factors helped condition people to live in a certain way. Owing to very warm tropical conditions, there was no need to wear warm, well-made clothes; so Africans, naturally, used to dress scantily. With plenty of rain and a lot of fertile land, people had plenty of food with minimum effort. This means that under these conditions Africans were not challenged to develop sophisticated technologies. They could get all they needed to survive naturally.

This lack of technological development meant that many natural phenomena were not well understood, hence the great belief in supernatural causes of events that could easily be scientifically explained by Europeans. The belief in extra-natural

or supernatural causes of phenomena also made Africans very spiritual people with a great faith in God.

Africans' lack of challenge, and subsequent lack of technology, meant that they never developed sophisticated weapons. This made them vulnerable to European powers with better weapons, as the long years of slavery and colonization testify. The processes of slavery and colonization were culturally violent, with African beliefs and African cultures in general experiencing very cruel assault.

So geographical factors explain the development of African cultures as they existed before acculturation, deculturation and transculturation took place with the arrival of whites in Africa. Such factors also explain the confusion and loss of identity in Africans caused by this acculturation, deculturation and transculturation. Just to illustrate this, imagine an African with a three piece suit and a tie sweating it out in the extreme temperatures of the Kenyan Coastal town of Mombasa. Africans know that for that weather one should dress as lightly as possible. However, the Western-educated African has decided to follow the culture of the educators, including their dress, which is meant for severe winter conditions of Europe. Ironically, however, this person doesn't even understand this new culture he has tried to inculcate, because when whites come to Africa, they dress appropriately as the weather dictates. So an African is left confused, not knowing where he or she belongs.

The case described above, though hypothetical, is typical of what happens very often in Africa. What we are trying to point out is that Africans' geographical realities and also, in the long run, their alienation to their culture, result in psychological problems.

Religious Factors

As Diop states, religious factors play a part in slowing down or speeding up modernization. This is because religious beliefs are deeply rooted, and form the basis for a peoples' view of life.

Dr. Leakey, a renowned Kenyan paleontologist, has indicated that religious beliefs are related to the dawning of self-awareness in primitive people. According to existentialism, it is through this dawning of self-awareness that humans come to the knowledge of our finiteness. Due to this awareness of our finite nature, the threat of our "now being" becomes extremely apparent. This increases our existential anxiety, which we try to reduce by explaining phenomenal happenings, thus feeling in control. Where we cannot explain, religion becomes the answer. As Leakey says, God is an inevitable creation of human intellect where explanations are unavailable....9

Diop, M.B. (1974). The Place of Mental Health in the Development of Public Health Services.

Brazzaville: Afro Technical Papers No. 8, p. 10.

Prochaska, J.O. (1984). Systems of Psychotherapy - A Transtheoretical Analysis. Illinois: The

Dorsey Press. Prochaska has written a whole chapter on existential analysis as developed by

Ludwig Binswanger (1881 -1966).

We will not argue as to the merits or demerits of such arguments. What is clear is that Africans had a lot that they could not explain about the universe, and therefore they had to use their belief in God and the spirits to explain such phenomena. Moreover, Africans sought the assistance of God and the good spirits in their fight against evil as, for example, in the case of calamities befalling them.

As an example, a misfortune such as AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) would have been explained by Africans after divination l as having been caused by the breaking of a certain taboo, or by evil spirits, or by disgruntled ancestral spirits. Intervention would have entailed performance of a certain sacrifice, either to appease the disgruntled ancestors, or to cleanse the community of the sacrilege of breaking a taboo, or as an appeal to God for intervention.

This practice of religion is not peculiar to Africa alone, but has occurred in many parts of the world at one time or another. Chapman (1951), for example, stated that all religious rites and practices in all primitive religions ascribed to religious impulse one end and one only: the conservation and promotion of life. Thus, all rituals, according to Chapman, fell into the categories of "expulsion" aimed at driving out evil or "impulsion", that is, aimed at securing good.

So African religion, like all other primitive religions, had both impulsive and expulsive elements. What was unique about African religious beliefs was the African view of the cosmic arrangement, from God down to the natural vegetation, and his/her place in and close contact with this cosmic arrangement. This is what makes the African's psychological orientation and whole life process different. This will be discussed later as a different sub-topic.

Social Factors

African social ethnic groups were basically characterized by a great level of cohesion, with members closely bound together by ancestral and tribal laws. This enhanced a strong sense of "belongingness" as the author found in a study. In that study he found that trends of the past African social life are still apparent today. This was also found by Diop in a study done in another part of Africa. He found that the African population is still rural, with extended family structures, despite the importance of urban migration. He states that "Each family groups together a large number of individuals united by consanguinity or marriage and obeying matrilineal or patrilineal rules."

9 Leakey, R. Op.cit.

Abraham, A.B. "The Practice of Divination and Christian Pastoral Care and Counseling in

Ghana." African Christian Studies. 1987(3), pp. 3-49. See also: Shorter, A. "Christian Healing

and Traditional Medicine in Africa." Kerygma. 1986(20), p. 51.

Chapman, C.T. (1951). The Conflict of the Kingdoms. London: Hutchinson's University Library,

Illness in Ruiri Sub-location, Meru District, Kenya." Unpublished dissertation, College of Health

Professions, Nairobi, Kenya, p. 27 and p. 95.

However, with Westernization and consequent changes in education; urbanization, industrialization and so on, this kind of social organization is changing quite fast. The trend is now to stress the importance of the nuclear family, rather than the extended family. In the study done by Ikiugu in 1985,15 the general feeling among the subjects was that changes in social, cultural, and economic factors had affected their mental health to a great extent. We can therefore say that social changes in Africa involve very important psychological processes, triggered by the described changes.

Economic Factors

Changes in economic realities constitute very moving processes. As Senghor says:

In traditional Africa, there is almost never 'property' in the European sense, i.e., objects that can be "used and abused", destroyed or sold. The general means of production, i.e., the land and its wealth, wealth of the soil and the subsoil....can't become property. The land, which is the principle means of production among peasant people, is considered to be a person or a spirit. The ancestor of the clan, first clearer and occupier of land, has made a pact with this spirit and ratified it with a ritual sacrifice. This pact, which the ancestor made in the name of the community, is incarnate in himself.

Senghor is saying that land, as the main means of production and thus the major economic asset, was revered. It belonged not to individuals but to the whole community, so land ownership used to run in clans. Also, whatever wealth the land held - its natural resources - belonged to the community. Senghor continues:

Therefore, in Africa, there are no 'property rights' in the soil and its wealth, not even 'right of possession'. There is simply "right of use or of usufructuary ownership".

No member of the community was ever denied means of production through alienation by individuals from this kind of ownership. You can't alienate what is not yours. Therefore land, with all its natural wealth, was left intact for use by any member of the community who desired to use it. What came from the land as a result of personal labor is what became personal property. So work was the only source of personal property. In many parts of Africa, wealth was counted in terms of how many animals one had, that is how many head of cattle, and how much food one cultivated and harvested.

14 Diop, M.B. (1974). The Place of Mental Health in the Development of Public Health Services.

Brazzaville: Afro Technical Papers No. 8. 150p.cit.,p.95.

Senghor, L.S. (1976). Prose and Poetry. Nairobi: Heinemann, pp. 45-46.

life and distribution of wealth among the traditional Meru tribesmen.

It can therefore be seen that psychologically there wasn't so much stress. One depended on personal strength and hard work to create wealth. As such, one could predict fairly easily what one could make of oneself in society, judging from one's work.

With the drastic changes in economic systems in Africa today means of production, like land, are owned privately. One can therefore be denied all means of production. Moreover, today creation of individual property doesn't always depend on personal strength and hard work, but often on luck as to whether one is born into a rich family or whether changes in the market are favorable, as well as on personal cunning.

Political Factors

The political system at any particular time may determine the probability of people following their psychological processes. If the political system is permissive, there is a high level of expressiveness that allows individual processes to happen. If the system is restrictive, processes are suppressed.

Most of Africa today is characterized by political systems that are extremely touchy about what may be expressed and to what extent. This is due to fear of possible rebellions and coups-d'etat. Consequently people are very careful about what they say. Eventually this caution becomes internalized and becomes a block. It becomes the edge, so to speak, between the primary process of conformity to the prevailing political thought and the secondary process of being true to one's own thoughts, feelings and instincts.

These blocks are probably inherited from the cultural orientation to authority. Traditionally, as already mentioned, people were closely bound together and guided by strict tribal or clan laws. These laws could not be questioned. One had to think in conformity to them and block the individual process that was trying to happen if such a process was in conflict with the tribal laws. So it is evident that this culturally-attained tendency to block processes is aggravated by the present political systems in most of black Africa.

The African View of Life and Nature: Its Philosophical Basis

As already mentioned earlier, Process Work presumes that individuals have individual psychological processes that tend to happen naturally, perhaps with a little help from a skilled process worker. In this view, Africans are no exception. However, peoples' primary and secondary processes and their edges are determined to a great extent by their social upbringing and, hence, by their cultural background. This is

what makes African processes different from white processes.

What might be a primary process to a white person for instance, expressing feelings such as love, may be a secondary process to an African who finds it difficult even to use the word "love." All this is shaped by peoples' attitudes and beliefs, and such attitudes and beliefs are acquired from one's culture. Now let's see the system of beliefs and attitudes of an African.

Africans saw the cosmic arrangement, from God through people, down to every grain of sand or particle of soil, as one seamless whole. Each individual, as a person, is a component of a family and the family, as the first cell, is the center of the universe. All the other aspects or levels of the wider community, such as the village, the tribe, the kingdom or the empire, were viewed as aspects of the family in an extended fomi. In effect it would appear that in Africa everybody was seen as related to everybody else.

This was very beneficial to the individual, in the way of giving him/her support. As Senghor says:

Thus, the African is tightly held in a tight network of vertical and horizontal communities, which bind and at the same time support him.

Senghor continues to say that:

In Africa, the family is the clan, unlike in Europe, "mum, dad and the baby". It's not the household but "the sum of all persons, living and dead, who acknowledge a common ancestor." The ancestral lineage continues back to God.23

This concept is basic to all African practices, such as birth, marriage and even death. In birth, the newborn baby comes as a member of the clan and is welcomed as such, not as a baby that belongs to the biological mother and father alone. Once one is born into a clan, he or she grows up as a member of the clan till death. Even the upbringing, including education and discipline, is done collectively by all members of the clan.

The biggest moment for the clan is when an individual marries. This is a milestone for the whole clan because it is the point at which the family is formed. Formation of the family was crucial to the clan because it was seen as the means by which life was extended and the torch of existence was handed down. A family, in the African sense, was therefore never complete until one or more children were born. In marriage one built a family, and in building a family one got children. In child-bearing the process of death was reversed. The departed were, in effect, "reborn," not in total being, but by physical features seen in children. This served to link the past, present and future generations together. A kind of immortality for

Senghor, L.S. (1962). De la Negritude Psychologie du Negro-Africain. Nairobi: Heinemann, pp.

36-37. Senghor quotes Fr. Temples who clearly explains the African process as encompassed in

the African metaphysics which are an existential ontology.

Senghor, L.S. (1976). Op. cit.,p. 44.

Ikiugu, M.N. Op. cit., p. 27. Ikiugu outlines how the newborn was received into the society as a

member of the clan rather than a daughter or son of only the biological parents.

Kabithe D.W. (Ed.). "Ancestral Commandments and Morality". Psychology Digest, 1(3), p. 12.

the departed was in this way achieved

Africans were also very spiritual. In all the above described, God played a central role. He was seen as central to all life although spirits, especially ancestral spirits, also played a big role in peoples' lives. This strong belief was demonstrated by the fact that the African shared everything with God and the spirits, therefore everything the African did was spiritual and sacrificial. For example, when an animal was slaughtered, some blood had to be splashed as a sacrifice to God and the ancestral spirits. In this way they shared with humans by way of "eating together." Similarly, before taking liquor, one had to pour a little libation for the spirits. Pertiaps the idea of pouring a bit of food on the ground for God and ancestors also demonstrates the great attachment Africans had to land, the "mother" of all life.

Briefly, such were the basic beliefs that formed the basis for the African view of life and nature.

African Philosophy and Process-oriented Psychology: The Link

Now the question to ask is, what is the possible relationship between the African belief systems as described above and Process-oriented Psychology as a theory and a philosophy. First, it is important to note that Africans, being very religious people, intuited long before Jung the transcendence of the "self over its physical limitations, and the immortality of man's soul. As already discussed, they knew that, though dead, the departed were constantly present and partook in the everyday activities of the living. This could be compared with the process-oriented view of death as the point at which one drops one's old life and continues in another way of life, rather than death being just the end of life. Also, as Senghor says (see earlier discussion), Africans saw the world, and indeed the universe, together with God, people, and all forms of life, as a single unit.

This view is not very far from Bohm's concept in physics of the hologram,28 where every aspect or part of the whole contains elements recognizable in the whole. Every part of the whole therefore is complete on its own but incomplete at the same time. This concept is also found in the idea of the universal dreambody,29 or in terms of the ancient beliefs, the "anthropos". This could perhaps explain how a witch-doctor could cast a spell on somebody without necessarily coming close to him in any way, that is, without any logical cause-and-effect relationship. So it will be seen that the basic beliefs of Africans are similar to those that form the basic philosophy of Process-oriented Psychology.

Jung, C.G. (1974). The Collected Works ofC.G. Jung. Vol. Vffl. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 194-195.

Process science believes in encouraging the states and the information therein -encompassing, in the unfolding process, explosions of fury. Expressions of instinctual needs were achieved through collective festival dances, such as circumcision dances,31 and other dances where all restrictions were momentarily lifted, and one could do and shout any obscenities one fancied. This served to compensate for the strict cultural requirement to adhere to the collective primary process of being well behaved and following a strict code of moral behavior.

The Healing Processes

African healing processes consisted mostly of divination. Africans, like the present Western cultural thinkers, used to see disease as having a cause, and being undesirable, unlike the process science view of disease as a process trying to happen. The purpose of divination was therefore to answer the question "why" the person is sick. Benjamin Ray says:

The function of the diviner is not to foretell the future, but to scrutinize the past in order to identify the spiritual and human agents responsible for personal misfortunes. Since all human problems, such as infertility, illness..., are ascribed to moral conflicts within the human community, the diviner's task is to disclose acts of immorality which have provoked the vengeance of the ancestors and to reveal the destructive hand of witches and sorcerers.

In process terms it can be said that divination, as the first step in the African healing process, consisted of the diviner seeking out the edge figures of the sick person's process. Such dream figures sitting at the edge could be spiritual, moral, a witch or a sorcerer. Intervention required helping the person to go over the edge through the use of such remedial practices as sacrifice.

Thomas Adeoyelambo, for example, talks about a patient who came to see him once. The patient had been educated at Cambridge University, and was thoroughly "Westernized." He had been promoted to a high level post, passing many of his peers on the way. Then, at one point, he had an accident from which he barely escaped with his life. He became terrified that his colleagues had formed a conspiracy to eliminate him. He became very paranoid and had to be sedated to relieve his anxiety. One day he came to see Adeoyelambo feeling much better. He said that his grandfather had appeared to him in a dream and had reassured him of a long, healthy life. However, he had been instructed to sacrifice a goat. He did as instructed. His

role of group rituals as powerful therapeutic measures. These include dances, singing, story

telling, trances, confessions etc., done in a group.

also: Berinyun, A.A. "The Practice of Divination and Christian Pastoral Care and Counseling in

Ghana." African Christian Studies. 1987(3), pp. 3-49.

fear and anxiety were immediately relieved. The patient, being Western educated, did not like to discuss this but often, in confidence, would tell Adeoyelambo that, "There is something in these native things, you know."35

The above story not only explains the predicament of the modern "Westernized" African, with his conflicting African traditional beliefs, but also explains how "sacrifice" was used to help the patient get over the edge. In the above case the edge figure would be seen as the grandfather who appears in the dream instructing the patient to offer a sacrifice, probably as thanksgiving to the deities for his promotion. He wouldn't otherwise have done this because his primary identity was the educated young man who would not be involved in the '"backward native practices."

Such edge figures were also represented symbolically, and such symbols produced the desired effects. If a man finds a hair, or a piece of material, or a bit of a fingernail belonging to his enemy, he believes he has only to use the object ritualistically in order to bring about the enemy's injury or death.

Such symbols were, so to speak, right at the edge and separated the primary process of the nice, sociable African from the secondary process of one who can desire disaster for his enemy. The same faith in such symbols could also be ritualistically used to bring about healing.

Adeoyelambo, in a survey of some 1,300 elementary school children, found that the belief in the power of symbols and magic is inculcated at an early age. He found that 85 percent of the subjects of his study used "native" medicine of one form or another, such as incantations or charms of various kinds for example, to help them pass exams, be liked by teachers, ward off evil effects of other students' "medicines" and so on.

In conclusion it can be said that first, the traditional African healing processes were strongly based on African religious beliefs; second, such processes were of what Chapman would referto as an expulsive nature; third, such processes worked basically on the edge figures, where the edge can be seen as what separated the primary cultural identity from the secondary process that was trying to unfold. Finally, it would appear that the African traditional healer recognized this phenomenon and functioned like the modern day process worker, basically helping people to get over their edges and helping processes to unfold

The Modern African's Conflict

In the beginning of this article, it was discussed how changes in religious, educational, social and political factors have brought about acculturation, decultu-ration and transculturation and, in effect, cultural alienation and resultant loss of identity for the modern African.

We have also seen the example of the young Western-educated man from Nigeria, and the conflict he suffered as to whether to follow the ,,native,, practices of healing or to remain true to his adopted Western culture. This signifies the processes of most, if not all, modern Africans. like the example given by Mindell in one of the classes during the 1989 intensive course,39 the typical African process can be seen as consisting of two dream figures. One figure tells him to follow the traditional African culture, for it is really beautiful. This figure shows him the beauty of African social support, and of not having a lot of social and economic stress.

The other dream figure tells him that indeed, he would be foolish not to follow the modern Western life, with all its technological beauties such as nice cars, beautiful clothes, nice music, and so on. As these two dream figures fight to control our modern African his or her options are either to be torn apart by the two conflicting polar figures or to develop a mediator, the metacommunicator, who can soberly look at the merits and demerits of each side and pick out what is desirable from each to help make a more integrated individual. This is probably the future direction of therapy in Africa.

The Future of Process-oriented Psychology in Africa

Process-oriented Psychology being, as Dr. Mindell describes it, a "natural science" is in a way very compatible with the African philosophies which are based on close contact with nature and supernatural phenomena, as described above. A process scientist, being a "midwife" to processes, could very well function as an African traditional healer, that is as a diviner, a witch doctor, a shaman, etc., as the individual process demands. A process worker, in the African context, would have to be very well versed in the culture and healing processes of the people with whom he or she is working.

However, the process worker in the African context also needs to bear in mind, and indeed, empathize with the inner conflict the modern African is experiencing due to the clash between the "old" and "new" cultures, resulting from the changes taking place in Africa.

He or she also has to bear in mind how much suffering the African has gone through at the hands of white people. This has contributed to the intensity of the conflict: a great amount of what was brought by the whites to Africa is good, but they also brought a great deal of suffering and humiliation for the African.

Bearing this in mind, the process worker in Africa should try to help this process of love and hate, desire and rejection, to fully unfold. This involves helping people to get over their edges and become comfortable with their traditional practices, or at least to get them to play about their edges until they can get in touch with the dream figures sitting on their edges.

Mindell, A., Lecture at the intensive course, Zurich, Switzerland, February 24,1989. Mindell A. (1985). Op. cit., Chapter 2. He discuses some elements of process science. By the same author. (1987). Op. cit., Chapter 1. He explains why he prefers to use Process Work with couples rather than family therapy. On p. 5, he explains Process Work as "following the way of nature."

The practice of process-oriented psychotherapy, like the practice of any form of psychotherapy in Africa, has its own limitations. The biggest problem of a process worker is that he or she does not fit the classification of a traditional healer, but also doesn't meet the expectations of the modern healer, lb most modern Africans, a healer should be authoritative, offer medicine for the correction of a variety of ills and, occasionally, give an injection. So the client does not understand this therapy where you are only going to talk. The client sees it as childish and probably crazy (probably the secondary process in most African cultures) when you tell her or him to make funny movements and weird sounds in the name of following her or his process. So the process worker, in the African context, often finds that in order to keep clients, he or she has to act the role of the "all knowing," wise "Doctor" which the African client will understand. Perhaps this is part of the African collective process at the present.

In conclusion, the techniques of Process-oriented Psychology are very useful in the African situation. However, it is clear that research needs to be done as to the methodology or the exact way of approaching the African client with all his or her beliefs, experiences, and social realities.

Moses Ikiugu has worked as a counselor for many years for the mental health system of Kenya and the Amani Counseling Society in Nairobi. He has experience working with youth in tribal communities, is currently studying for his master's degree in psychology, and is a prolific writer. He is bringing his knowledge of process-oriented thought and world work skills to his fellow colleagues in Kenya.

Bibliography

1. Adeoyelambo, T. "Psychotherapy in Africa." HwnanNature. March 1978.
2. Brooks, R. (1988). "Our Inner Gods." Unpublished Master's Thesis. Ohio: Antioch University.
3. Castaneda, C. (1984). The Fire From Within. New York: Simon & Schuster.
4. Chapman, C.T. (1951). The Conflict of the Kingdoms. London: Hutchinson's University Library.
5. Diop, M.B. (1974). "The Place of Mental Health in the Development of Public Health Services." Brazzaville: Afro Technical Papers No. 8.
6. Hesselgrave, D. J. "Christian Cross-Cultural Counseling - A Suggested Framework for Theory Development." (Name of Journal, Year and Place of Publication not available.)
7. Ikiugu, M.N. (1985). "The Influence of Social, Cultural and Economic Changes On Mental Illness in Ruiri Sub-Location, Meru District, Kenya." Unpublished Dissertation, College of Health Professions, Nairobi, Kenya.
8. Jung, C.G. (1974). The Collected Works ofC.G. Jung. Vol. VIII. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
9. Kabithe, D.W. (Ed.). "Ancestral Commandments and Morality." Psychology Digest. 1(3). (Year of Publication not available.)
10. Leakey, R. "Science Versus Hymns." Daily Nation. April 1,1987.
11. Mindell, A. (1982). Dreambody. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
12. Mindell, A. (1985). River's Way. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
13. Mindell, A. (1987). The Dreambody in Relationships. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
14. Prochaska, J.O. (1984). Systems of Psychotherapy. Illinois: The Dorsey Press.
15. Senghor, L.S. (1962). De La Negritude Psychologie du Negro-Africain. Nairobi: Heinemann.
16. Senghor, L.S. (1976). Prose and Poetry. Nairobi: Heinemann.
17. Shorter, A. "Christian Healing and Traditional Medicine in Africa." Kerygma. 1986(20).